Dag Nikolaus Hasse & Amos Bertolacci (eds.). The Arabic, Hebrew and Latin Reception of Avicenna’s Metaphysics kitabının reviewü.

The aim of this study was to reveal doctors' and nurses' attitudes to euthanasia in intensive care units and surgical, internal medicine and paediatric units in Turkey. A total of 205 doctors and 206 nurses working in several hospitals in Istanbul participated. Data were collected by questionnaire and analysed using SPSS v. 12.0. Significantly higher percentages of doctors (35.3%) and nurses (26.6%) working in intensive care units encountered euthanasia requests than those working in other units. Doctors and nurses caring for (...) terminally ill patients in intensive care units differed considerably in their attitudes to euthanasia and patient rights from other health care staff. Euthanasia should be investigated and put on the agenda for discussion in Turkey. (shrink)

‘Abdallāh al-Baṭṭāl is an important commander who undertook important duties in the Islamic conquests of the Umayyads (41-132/661-750). It is understood that he achieved remarkable success in these missions against the Byzantine (Eastern Roman) Empire, and this success led to him being mentioned as a hero in the chronicles. Aside from his historical personality, the fact that he is narrated based on the heroic tale is a critical component that strengthens the significance of the research subject. This article analyzes the (...) process by which the historical existence of 'Abdullāh al-Battāl, who planned an expedition to Anatolia (Bilād al-Rūm), was transformed into a heroic story and the basic elements that supported it. In this perspective, the focus is on Baṭṭāl’s life, which is the subject of historical information, and then on how he appears in the texts by transforming into myth and narrative. This study, which was carried out within the framework of the first period of Islamic history sources, Ibn Aʿt̲h̲am’s (d. 320/932) “Kitāb al-futūḥ” and Ibn ‘Asākir’s (d. 571/1176) “Tarīkh madīnat Dimashq” works are discussed through the narrative elements. It is worth noting that both authors presented Baṭṭāl as a hero outside of his historical personality, allowing for the construction of a new history. The political context of the time, sectarian identities, and the deciding roles of the relationship they built with authority in the authors' portrayals of Baṭṭāl will be addressed in this article. Examining the process of transforming a historical personality into a myth by removing the aforementioned actuality is significant in terms of the abilities of the chronicler authors in the writings they made during their lives. In this framework, the article focuses on Battal’s life, campaigns, and participation in jihad activities, followed by his transition into a story by becoming a hero. (shrink)

During the Mamlūk period (648-923/1250-1517), some developments such as the support of the state dignitaries for scholarly activities, the interest of the ʿulamā to the Mamlūk geography and the establishment of many scientific institutions increased the interest in scholarly activities in society. In this period of intensive scholarly activities, women also started to increasingly take part in this field, and as a result, many female scholars were trained. The fact that women scholars were encountered among the teachers of the famous (...) scientists of the period is a clear proof of this situation. As a matter of fact, the teachers of Najm al-Dīn Ibn Fahd, one of the famous muḥaddiths and historians of the 9th (15th) century, set an obvious example for this. Sixty-seven of his four hundred ninety-seven teachers were women. Najm al-Dīn Ibn Fahd, a member of a prominent ʿulamā family of Mecca, traveled to different cities in the Mamlūk geography and took lessons from many teachers, men and women. What is more valuable for our subject is that he wrote a work called Mu’jam al-shuyūkh, which contains extremely important information about his teachers. This article tries to assess women's participation in scholarly activities and social positions in Mamlūk society, based on his female teachers. This work, made up of two parts, first deals with women’s opportunities to pursue academic studies and their subsequent contributions to science. The second part is about their position in social life which stemmed from the families they belonged to and from their marriages. In this article, in which sixty-seven female scholars of Najm al-Dīn Ibn Fahd are discussed, some important results have been reached. This look into his sixty-seven female teachers shows how widespread women’s relationships with scholarly circles were in Mamlūk society, and that especially girls of families with scholarly traditions were included in academic circles from a young age. These girls were able to get their initial education from close relatives and then they were able to connect to academic circles easily via family relationships, taking courses with many scholars including women. Women have been instrumental in the transfer of knowledge more so than its production. Their efforts both during their studies and as scholars were focused on ḥadīth transmission. It is difficult to pinpoint the exact reason why ḥadīth sciences were the focus, but one can say that the ubiquity of ḥadīth sessions and their ease of accessibility must have been a factor. It is seen that young girls who participated in these sessions were encouraged to study with older scholars, thereby acquiring a strong isnād chain and becoming a source of information in later years for the transmission of knowledge. However, it is hard to say that every woman who got some education took a role in knowledge transmission. One can even claim, based on Najm al-Dīn Ibn Fahd’s female teachers, that a lot of women in academic circles did not take a role in knowledge transmission as scholars, despite their potential. The fact that no official institutions are mentioned with regard to women’s acquisition and transfer of knowledge may be indicative of the importance of teacher-student relationships rather than institutions, or, it can be that women were more active outside of these official institutions. Also, the fact that most of Najm al-Dīn Ibn Fahd’s female teachers were all taught by several common teachers shows the liveliness of academic activity outside of official institutions. There is very little narration regarding the social lives of women who were engaged in scholarly activities. Among the most important reasons why this is so is the desire to put their scholarly competencies to the forefront. However, it is possible to get some information about their families and marriages for many of them. One can see that Najm al-Dīn Ibn Fahd’s female teachers generally married men who were also engaged in scholarship. The fact that women, especially those in the scholarly class, married from among their relatives must have been related to this. All of the married women except one have at least one child. While divorce is not too common, marrying again as a result of the death of a husband or as a result of divorce is not rare. (shrink)

Mezar yapımı insanlık tarihi kadar eskidir. İlk insandan beri var olan bu yapı, her toplumun kendi gelenek ve inançları doğrultusunda farklı şekillerde tezahür etmiştir. Bu çalışma Türklerin tarih boyunca insana vermiş oldukları değerin bir göstergesi olarak mezar taşı kültürünün son dönem uygulamaları hakkında bilgi vermeyi amaçlamaktadır. Dolayısıyla 19. yüzyıl ve sonrası Osmanlılarda mezar taşlarının almış olduğu şekilsel değişimler ve hüsn-i hattın uygulama biçimleri örnekler üzerinden verilmiş, araştırmaya konu olan yüzyılı temsilen iki mezar taşı detaylı incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın problem durumu “Yazı mezar (...) taşlarında ne zaman kullanılmaya başlandı? İstifli yazılar mezar taşlarında neden kullanılmıştır? İstifli yazıların zirve uygulamaları hangi dönemde olmuştur?” şeklinde tespit edilmiştir. Çalışmamızda nitel araştırma yöntemlerinden kaynak tarama, örnekleme, karşılaştırma, kaynak göstermeye başvurulmuştur. Çalışma hat sanatının en güzel uygulama alanlarından biri olan mezar taşı kitabetindeki yerinin görülmesi ve tarihi seyrinin öğrenilmesi açısından önemli olduğu söylenebilir. (shrink)

Şiir kadim dönemlerden bu yana Arap kültüründe en önemli sanat dallarından biri belki de birincisi olagelmiştir. Şiirin ve dolayısıyla şairlerin büyük bir itibar gördüğü Arap toplumunda şaire kıymet kazandıran ölçütlerden biri irticalen şiir söyleyebilmesi, muhatabına cevap verebilme yetisi ve hazırcevaplığıdır. Bir şairin başka bir şairin şiirini aynı muhteva, vezin ve kafiyede irticalen devam ettirmesi anlamına gelen icâze de kökleri Câhiliye Dönemi’ne kadar uzanan bir şairlik hüneridir. Çalışma bu nedenle şairlerde kadim dönemlerden bu yana aranan bu hünerin hususiyetlerini konu edinmekte, bir (...) meziyet olarak icâzenin şairlerde niçin bulunmasına önem verildiğini ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Makalede nitel araştırma yöntemlerinden belge analizi yöntemi kullanılarak icâzenin tanımı, türleri ve yöntemleri üzerinde durulmuş, verilen örneklerle bu türler arasındaki farklılıklar izah edilmiştir. Ayrıca icâzenin yine bedîhî olarak söylenen bir şiir türü olan nakîzadan, irticalen söylenmese de öncesinde söylenmiş bir şiirden daha güzelini orta koyma saikiyle yazılan muʿâraza türü şiirlerden ayrıştığı yönlerine temas edilmiştir. Şairleri icâze istemeye sevk eden sebepler örnekler üzerinden incelemeye tabi tutularak icâze türü şiirlerin bir şairin başka bir şaire meydan okuması, meydan okuma olmaksızın şairliğini sınama isteği, şiirin devamı konusunda yardım talebi veya şairlerin aralarında şaka yollu atışması neticesinde ortaya çıktığı tespit edilmiştir. Şiirinin devamını isteyen şairle (müstecîz) şiiri devam ettiren şair (mücîz) veya şairlerin söylediği beyitlerin muhteva analizi yapılarak aralarındaki farklara işaret edilmiştir. İcâze türü şiirlerde şiire ekleme yapılmasını isteyen şairle şiiri devam ettiren şairin söylediği kesitlerin aynı uzunlukta olmadığı görülmüş, bunun sonucunda muhteva, vezin ve kafiye birliğini gerektiren icâze türü şiirlerin tarafların söylediği kesitler itibariyle esnek bir yapısının olduğu sonucuna varılmıştır. Buna ilaveten bazı icâze örneklerinde vezin ve kafiyeye bağlı kalınmasına rağmen konu değişiminin meydana geldiği de tespit edilen hususlardan biri olmuştur. İki veya daha çok şairin birlikte şiir inşâd etmesi şeklinde temayüz eden icâzelerde genelde edebî bir gayenin ön planda olmadığı müşahede edilirken bazı şairler ise ekleme yaptığı beyitlerde üslup açısından son derece zengin bir anlatım örneği sergilemişlerdir. Araştırmanın vardığı sonuçlar itibariyle vurgulanması gereken bir başka husus öncesinde bir hazırlık yapmaya imkân vermemesi dolayısıyla icâze türü şiirlerin kısa şiirlerden meydana gelmesidir. Şairlerin farklı saiklerle söylemiş olduğu icâze örneklerinde vasıf, hiciv, gazel, şikâyet gibi farklı temaları işlemiş olmaları bu şiirlerle ilgili zikre değer bir başka özelliktir. Netice olarak icâze türü şiirler eskiden beri Arap toplumunda şairin gücünü ve maharetini gösteren, yaşanılan ortamın edebî zevkini yansıtan, toplumun sosyokültürel yapısına dair önemli veriler ihtiva eden bir şiir türü olarak tebarüz etmiştir. (shrink)

This book introduces Robert Corrington’s “ecstatic naturalism,” a new perspective in understanding “sacred” nature and naturalism, and explores what can be done with this philosophical thought. This is an excellent resource for scholars of Continental philosophy, philosophy of religion, and American pragmatism.

Şems-i Sivâsî, Halvetiyye tarikatının ana şubelerinden biri olan Sivâsiyye kolunun müessisidir. On altıncı yüzyılın ilmî, siyâsî, kültürel ve dinî sahalarında derin izler bırakan Sivâsî, memleketi Zile’den Sivas’a hicret ettikten sonra ilk olarak İrşâdü’l-avâm adlı bir eser kaleme almış ve bu çalışmada nefsin ıslahı, mürşid-i kâmilin gerekliliği, mürşidlerin özellikleri ve nefsi ıslah konusundaki fonksiyonları gibi başlıklarla döneminde gözlemlediği ve zaman zaman istismar edildiğini düşündüğü mânevî yolculuğun kılavuzlarını konu edinmiştir. Eserin isminden de anlaşılacağı üzere Sivâsî, mânevî seyrin inceliklerini bilmedikleri için şekle aldanıp (...) süslü sözlere kanan ve layık olmadıkları halde şeyhlik makamını işgal edenleri kendilerine rehber edinenleri uyarmayı hedef olarak belirlemiştir. Sivâsî bu hedefine uygun olarak eserde sahte şeyhlerin itikâdî, amelî ve ahlâkî konulardaki sapmalarını âyetler, hadisler, naklettiği kıssalar ve kullandığı çeşitli metaforlarla gözler önüne sermiştir. O, tasavvufî sistemin istismar edilmesi noktasında şeyhlik/mürşid-i kâmillik konumunun son derece önemli olduğunu belirtmiş ve ilk dönemlerden itibaren bu konumun istismarına yönelik yapılan eleştiri ve uyarılara katkı sağlamıştır. Bu anlamda Hasan-ı Basrî, İmâm-ı Gazzâlî, Ahmed-i Yesevî, Mevlânâ, Necmeddîn-i Dâye ve Kâşânî’nin de ifade ettiği gibi, müteşeyyihlere dair uyarılarda bulunan bir geleneğin on altıncı asırdaki temsilcilerinden biri olmuştur. Günümüzde de çeşitli vesilelerle tartışma konusu haline gelen bu hususta Sivâsî’nin bir şeyh olarak yaptığı tespitler, uyarılar ve çözüm önerileri önem arz etmektedir. Bu makalede Sivâsî’nin müteşeyyih kimseler hakkındaki düşünceleri zikredilmekle birlikte kendinden önce bu konuda görüş bildiren isimlerle benzer ve farklı yönlerine de işaret edilmiştir. Çalışmada Sivâsî’nin sahte şeyhlere dair değerlendirmeleriyle tasavvufta bir iç tenkit geleneği olarak kabul edilebilecek bu usulün kendinden önceki ve sonraki isimler arasındaki konumuna da vurgu yapılmıştır. (shrink)

Although Dirār b. ʿAmr is the most important mutakallim of the second century, he is unfortunately one of the unjustified names in the history of kalām. Dirâr is a mutakallim whose name is rarely mentioned in theological publications published in both Turkish and foreign languages until recently, and his importance and position are still not noticed. As a matter of fact, Josef van Ess and W. Montgomery Watt, who are famous orientalists, discovered this tragic fact and tried to make up (...) for this deficiency to some extent with their studies. Dirâr wrote a refutation of Aristotle's theory of substance and accident, opened a new way with his understanding of existence based on accidents and led Ash'ari with the theory of kasb and Ebu'l-Huzayl al-‘Allaf with his kalām accumulation. Undoubtedly, one of the things that makes Dirār important is that he had views that went beyond his time and caused him to contradict his contemporaries as early as the second century in terms of the history of Islamic thought. Considering the list of works that have not survived, except for one, in such a period when the mainstream sects were not yet formed and they were on the eve of their formation, Dirār was generally in a critical dialogue with the Islamic and non-Islamic movements he encountered and knew. For this reason, it is almost impossible to place him in any religious sect mentioned in his period. Because he often preferred to follow his own ideas rather than the opinions of others on many issues. Naturally, this makes it difficult to place Dirār in a certain school and frees him from all kinds of bonds. Yes, in the sources we come across many allegations, accusations and slanders that Dirār is a Cahmi/Jabri, he is a Mu‘tazili, he is an innovator with malignant ideas, he is an infidel to put a bounty on his head. Understanding the reasons for these depends on getting to know Dirār, understanding his ideas, and determining his position. If we say in the context of our study, the position of Dirār is actually a state of non-position, and we think that the concept that best expresses this situation in a new interpretation is "nawābit". In the light of our analysis, we see that, with the exception of a name, nawābit is used as a concept with a negative content and connotation in both theology and philosophy. The exceptional person is the famous philosopher Ibn Bājja (Avempace) from Andalusia, the contemporary of Ibn Rushd (Averroes). While Mu‘tazili mutakallims use nawābit to humiliate groups such as Ahl-i hadith and Hashviyye, which adopt the narration-oriented line that puts reason and acumen to the second place, Al-Fārābī also uses the fault types and the sick characters in his virtuous city that he has constructed to describe. Ibn Bājja, on the other hand, considers the people called nawābit within his project to be equivalent to the "mutawahhid" (alone human) whose "precaution" he aims; this usage which corresponds with the context of the concept in the study. Because, in our study, nawābit is not considered as an identity, but as a representation of a character. (shrink)

Varlığın mahiyeti meselesi, insanın varlığa hangi açıdan muhatap olduğu ile doğrudan ilgilidir. Felsefe tarihinde ortaya çıkmış olan farklı ekoller arasındaki ayrımı oluşturan da, temelde bu mesele karşısındaki tutumlarıdır. Nicholas of Cusa düşüncesinde varlık, insanın salt epistemik yetileri ile vukufiyet kesp edebileceği bir alan değildir. Bundan dolayı Mutlak Varlık, olduğu haliyle kendi mükemmelliği içerisinde kavranamaz. Bunun için öncelikli olarak gerekli olan, aklın bütün olumlayıcı bilgi iddialarından vazgeçtiği bir tür zihinsel arınmadır. Bu, aslında bir bilinç durumudur ve bu düzeye erişen idrak, varlığı (...) kendi kaynağında temaşa eder. Zıtlığın uyumda, çoğulluğun ise birlikte herhangi bir çelişki olmaksızın göründüğü bu hâl içerisinde, Tanrı artık bir bilgi konusu olmanın ötesinde bir tecrübe konusudur. Cusa’ya göre, insanın iç tecrübesinden hareket eden mistik karakterli bir varlık görüşü ile ancak idrake dayalı yetkin bir bilinç sağlanabilir. Burada artık asıl olan bilme değil, asla bilemeyeceğini bilmedir. Cusa’ya göre, bu idraki seviyeye ulaşmanın yolu ruhsal bir eğitimin yanında Tanrısal lütuftur. The issue of the nature of existence is directly related to the way in which man deals with existence. What makes a difference between the schools in the history of philosophy is their attitudes towards this issue. In the thought of Nicholas of Cusa, existence is not something that a person can realize with purely epistemic abilities. Therefore, Absolute Being cannot be grasped in its own perfection as it is. What is primarily necessary for this is a kind of intellectual purification in which the reason renounces all affirmative claims of knowledge. This actually is a state of consciousness and the intellect that reaches this level contemplates existence at its source. In this state, where opposites appear in harmony and plurality in unity without any contradiction, God is no longer a subject of knowledge but a subject of experience. According to Cusa, only an intellectual comprehension can be achieved with a mystical view of being based on the inner experience of the human being in this way. The main thing is not knowing anymore but knowing that you can never know. According to Cusa, the way to reach this level of understanding is divine grace as well as spiritual education. (shrink)

In this paper, the scientific realism/anti-realism debate, which is one of the most popular topics in the metaphysics of science, will be examined in supporting the realistic wing. In this respect, the discussion will be conducted by keeping the subjects of ‘existence of an external mind-independent world’ and ‘unobservable entities’ at the center of this paper. In the context of understanding the world, ‘Science’ activity is not the sum of the research carried out only by considering empirical data; on the (...) contrary, it will be claimed that it is an endeavor that pursues unknown but interesting things (such as protons, photons, or viruses) and tries to give meaning to the world. Thus, against the empirical rigid attitude of anti-realism –bearing in mind the views of logical positivists; it will be illustrated that scientific realism is an understanding based on metaphysics and has a philosophical basis. (shrink)

The current study aims to examine the hope levels of theology students in the context of their education level. The correlational (relational) screening method was used in this study. The sample of the study consists of a total of 429 students (328 girls, 101 boys) studying at the Faculty of Theology at Erzincan Binali Yildirim University. Hope levels of the students were determined by Karaca-Kandemir Hope Scale developed by Karaca and Kandemir. The scale consists of three sub-dimensions: goal-oriented, hope and (...) significance, and stability. One-way analysis of variance (ANO-VA) was used for data analysis. According to the findings obtained as a result of the analysis, it is seen that the education levels of the Theology Faculty students cause differentiation in terms of goal-oriented and stability which are sub-dimensions of hope; however, it was found that the scale did not cause any difference in terms of hope and meaningfulness subscale and total hope levels. This finding did not corroborate the research hypothesis that the higher the education level of theology faculty students, the higher their hope level. The results, however, give an idea that theology education can have a positive effect on students' hope levels.Summary: Hope, which is a fundamental feature of human existence, has many functions, both individually and socially. Hope, which is one of the main characteristics that distinguish human beings from other beings, is one of the most powerful tools that help create and implement future designs of individuals and societies. It is possible to see this powerful effect of hope in the object of all human works and actions such as art, literature, and architecture. However, despite the expressed impact of hope, religion, which accompanies it in the existential journey of humanity and is one of its most influential sources of motivation, has the potential to produce a highly useful function on hope. Because religion demands the individual to be future-oriented rather than the past. This demand of religion does not mean that the past actions of the individual and society have no importance. While building the future of the individual and society on lessons learned from the past, religion orders that he should not be a prisoner of his past and that he hopes for the energy he has produced by taking shelter in the attributes of Allah, Most Gracious and Merciful. For this reason, the Qur'an equates despair of Allah's mercy with coming out of religion (Yusuf 12 / / 87).Despite the strong relations between religion and hope, empirical studies on the issue are not yet adequate. However, in recent times, especially with the effect of Positive Psychology, it is a fact that empirical studies have been carried out to determine the relationship of these emotions with religiosity about positive emotions such as patience, optimism, empathy, and self-regulation. One of the positive emotions expressed is hope. However, it is seen that some empirical studies have been conducted on the relationship between hope and religiosity. However, apart from these studies, empirical studies on higher education levels are needed in order to reveal the relationship between hope and religiosity in a healthier way. Because of the strong relationship between religion and hope, it is expected that there will be an increase in parallel with the religious education taken in higher education. From this point of view, this study primarily aims to reveal the strong connection between religion and hope. The main problem of this study, which is based on the primary hypothesis that learning religion at a higher education level, will increase the level of hope of students, is the relationship between theology education and hope. In this study, which was conducted to determine the hope levels of the students of the Faculty of Theology, the method of collecting information related to the questionnaire technique used in the screening model was used.The population of the study consists of 744 students enrolled in Erzincan Binali Yıldırım University Theology Faculty in the fall semester of 2018-2019 academic year. The sample group of the research is 429 students in the faculty during the application period. Accordingly, 144 (33.6%) of the total students in the sample group were in the “preparatory class,” 79 (18.4%) were in the “first grade”, and 78 (18.2%) were in the “second grade,” while 60 (14.0%) were in the “third grade,” 68 (15.9%) were in the “fourth grade.”“Personal Data Questionnaire” and “Karaca-Kandemir’s Hope Scale” were used as data collection instruments. In the “Personal Data Questionnaire,” there are questions about the learning levels of the working group.Karaca-Kandemir’s Hope Scale, which is used in the study, is a scale developed by Karaca and Kandemir based on their cultural codes to determine the hope levels of individuals.The scale is a 5-point Likert type and consists of three sub-dimensions: “goal-oriented,” “hope and meaningfulness,” and “stability.” Of the 13 items in the scale, 8 (1, 2, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10 and 12) had a positive sentence structure such as “Dreaming about the future excites me,” 5 of them (3, 6, 8, 11 and 13) it has a negative sentence structure such as “I cannot bring the end of a job easily after starting a job.” In the scoring phase of the hope scale, negative sentences were reversed. While the lowest score that can be obtained from the “goal-oriented” dimension of the scale is 5, the highest score is 25; the lowest score that can be obtained from the dimension of “hope and meaningfulness” is 4, the highest score is 20; the lowest score that can be obtained from the “stability” sub-dimension is 4, while the highest score is 20. As a result, the lowest score that can be obtained from the total of the scale is 13, and the highest score is 65. Low scores from the scale indicate that the individual's level of hope is low, and high scores indicate high levels of hope.In order to determine the differentiation between class levels, Single Factor Analysis of Variance-ANOVA was applied to the data set. As a result of the analysis, multiple comparisons were made between the means with statistically significant differences. For this purpose, Post Hoc LSD and Tukey HSD tests were used to determine the source of the difference. The significance level of “.05 “ was taken as a criterion for all these operations. In the research, it was seen that the education they received from the Faculty of Theology students caused a differentiation in the “goal-oriented and stability” sub-dimension of hope; however, “hope and meaningfulness” subscale and “total hope” did not cause any differentiation. This result did not confirm the research hypothesis that “the level of hope differs according to class (education) level and the level of hope increases as the level of education (education) increases hope. However, in the “goal-oriented” dimension of hope, the second and third-grade students of fourth-grade students; In terms of “stability” dimension, the fact that the first-grade students scored significantly higher than the preparatory class students gives an important idea that the education received in the Faculty of Theology can have an effect on hope. However, it is thought that similar studies that will be conducted with a large sample group and centering on all dimensions and hopes of religiosity will produce remarkable results. (shrink)

The third century of the hegira represents an extremely important period in terms of the formation process of Islamic sciences and the acquirement of the identity of a systematic school of fiqh madhhabs. In terms of the Zaydiyya madhhab, this century has an identity that affects the next period in terms of both political and scientific studies. Because in this period, the scholars of the madhhab like Kāsim al-Rassî (d. 246/860), Ahmad b. Isā (d. 247/861) and Yahyā b. al-Husayn (d. (...) 298/911), who were in a leading position both in politics and in sciences such as kalām, hadith and fiqh, emerged. Kāsim al-Rassî, who was accepted as the star of the Ahl al-Bayt by Zaydî sources in the first period, was presented as the Plato of Muslims by orientalists in modern studies. The main reason why today's studies on him are mostly about the history of sects and theology, most of Rassî's works are about kalām. However, Kāsim al-Rassî is an important name in the science of fiqh and İslamic legal theory as well as in the science of kalām. According to Abī Tālib Nātik bi’l-Hakk (d. 424/1033), one of the important jurists of the Zaydiyya madhhab, Rassî was a scholar who came to the fore with his ability in fiqh issues; in order to see his ijtihād method, his skill in furû al-fiqh, his mastery in using hadiths and knowing the disagreements of scholars, ‘‘Masā’il al-Dja’far b. Muhammad and Abd Allah b. Hasan” should be consulted. Rassi's epistles named Kitab al-Nāsikh wa’l-Mansūkh, Kitab al-tahāra, Kitab al-salāt al-yevm ve al-Laylā and Kitab al-menāsik are important studies on fiqh that have survived to the present day. In addition, Mueyyed-Billah (d. 411/1021) compiled Kāsim al-Rassî’s and Yahya b. al-Husayn's views on fiqh in his work named al-Tecrîd. Kāsim al-Rassî's views on fiqh are also determinative in later fiqh books such as Tahrîr, al-Cāmi' al-Kāfi, al-Intisār and al-Azhar. In time, the emergence of a jurisprudence sect named Kāsimiyya in Zaydiyya, referring to his name, is also important in terms of revealing his position. Although Rassî's views on fiqh have been referred to a number of studies in our country, no independent study has been found that deals with his views on fiqh. However, considering both of his works on fiqh that have survived to the present day and the early works in which his views are compiled, it is obvious that Kāsim al-Rassî's views on fiqh deserve an independent works. The aim of this study is to reveal Ressî's position within the madhhabs and his perspective on fiqh in general. In this context, in the study, the period in which Ressî lived, his life and works were briefly mentioned, and then the basic views of the fiqh, especially in the field of worship, were discussed in outline. (shrink)

Düşünce tarihinin neredeyse her döneminde insanı ahlaki bir faile dönüştürebilmek amacıyla çeşitli kuramlar geliştirilmiştir. Bu kuramlarda genel olarak insanın ahlaki bir ilkeyi kendi eylemsellik alanına tatbik etmesi için gerekli olan şeyin ve erdemli davranışlarla erişilmesi hedeflenen mutluluğun ne olduğu üzerine bir düşünme faaliyeti gerçekleşir. Geliştirilen yanıtlar arasında şüphesiz çok seçkin bir yere sahip olan kuram, Kant’a aittir. Kant’a göre doğa alanında eğilim ve isteklere bağlı davranışlarla amaç olarak mutluluğa ulaşmak, insanı ahlaklı kılmaz. Bu bakımdan, insanı mutlu kılan şeyin değil, onu (...) iyi yapan, bir ahlaki faile dönüştürmenin olanağını soruşturur. En yüksek iyiyi gerçekleştirmeyi, eğilim ve isteklere bağlı bir amaç olarak belirlenen çeşitli türden mutluluklara ulaşma çabasıyla eşitleyen tüm anlayışlar karşısında Kant, en yüksek iyiyi gerçekleştirmenin ilk koşulunu ahlaklılık, ikinci koşulu olarak –birinci koşul sağlandığı takdirde- ortaya çıkacağına inandığı mutluluk olarak belirler. Ona göre yalnızca ahlak yasasıyla belirlenen erdemli davranışların sonucunda gerçekleşeceği beklenen, aklın bir ideali olarak mutluluk insanı ahlaklı kılabilir. Nitekim özerk bir biçimde kendisi için koyduğu yasayla, akıl sahibi bir varlığını kişilik sahibi bir varlığa dönüştüren insan aynı zamanda ahlaki değer taşıyan davranışlarda bulunmanın sonucunda hep bir beklentisi olan bir varlıktır. İnsanın bu beklentisine yanıt, dinden gelir. Burada Kant, geliştirdiği ahlak öğretisinin mutluluk öğretisi olarak da adlandırılabilmesinin koşulunu ortaya koyar. Buna göre sırf akıl talep ettiği için insana ödevler yükleyen yasa zemininde temellenen en yüksek iyiyi gerçekleştirme isteğiyle, aklın yasa koyuculuğu altında yaşadığımız için içimizde doğan iyiyi gerçekleştirme arzusuyla dine yönelindiğinde ancak ahlak öğretisi bir mutluluk öğretisi olabilir. Bir başka deyişle, yalnızca ahlaklılık temelinde tesis edilen bir dinsellikle mutluluk ahlaki kılınabilir. Bu yazıda mutluluğun nasıl ahlaki kılınabildiği ya da mutluluğa layık olabilmek için ne yapılması gerektiği konusu irdelenip, en yüksek iyiye yönelen insana yüklenilen ödevlerin tanrısal buyruklar olarak benimsenmesiyle mutluluktan pay alma umudunu doğuran ahlak temelli din anlayışına dikkat çekilmektedir. (shrink)

The topic of professionalism has dominated the content of major academic medicine publications during the past decade and continues to do so. The message of this current wave of professionalism is that medical educators need to be more attentive to the moral sensibilities of trainees, to their interpersonal and affective dimensions, and to their social conscience, all to the end of skilled, humanistic physicians. Urgent calls to address professionalism from such groups as the Association of American Medical Colleges, the American (...) Board of Internal Medicine, and the Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education, among others. In fact, at the 2004 annual meeting of the AAMC six separate presentations addressed professionalism with such titles as "Evaluating Humanism and Professionalism," Professionalism: Expectation, Education, Evaluation," or "Toward Assessing Professional Behaviors of Medical Students through Peer Observations". Professionalism, then, has become part of the current academic medicine parlance, used by administrators, clinical faculty, residency programs, and professional organizations with an expectation of shared meanings and goals. All of these stakeholders focus on what has become a consistent list of attributes deemed to be the essence of professionalism, which usually include variations on altruism, duty, excellence, honor and integrity, accountability, and respect. In fact, most of the scholarly work to date has been listing, describing, decrying, and measuring/evaluating it. In this collection of essays, we don’t argue with these attributes. Instead, we ask questions of the discourse from which they arise, how the specialized language of academic medicine disciplines has defined, organized, contained, and made seemingly immutable a group of attitudes, values, and behaviors subsumed under the label "professional" or "professionalism." This collection aims to be a critical text, one that questions the profession’s beliefs about the nature of its work and how such beliefs are enacted in medical education, particularly as they fuel the professionalism discourse. In addition, we will scrutinize how the discourse is enacted in both the formal and hidden curriculum, and in the larger medical environment. (shrink)

In this paper I argue that both defence and criticism of the claim that humans act ‘under the guise of the good’ neglects the metaphysical roots of the theory. I begin with an overview of the theory and its modern commentators, with critics noting the apparent possibility of acting against the good, and supporters claiming that such actions are instances of error. These debates reduce the ‘guise of the good’ to a claim about intention and moral action, and in so (...) doing have become divorced from the theory's roots in classical and medieval philosophy. Aristotle and Aquinas’ ‘guise of the good’ is primarily a metaphysical claim resting on the equivalence between actuality and goodness, from which conclusions about moral action are derived. I show the reasoning behind their theory and how it forms the basis for the claims about intention and action at the centre of the modern debate. Finally, I argue that the absence of its original foundation is apparent in recent attacks on the ‘guise of the good’. It is unsurprising that modern action theory and ethics have not always been able to comfortably accommodate the ‘guise of the good’; they are only telling half of the story. (shrink)

Kur’ân ve hadislerde geçen müteşâbih ifadelerin nasıl anlaşılacağına dair kelâm geleneğinde ciddi tartışmalar yaşanmış ve farklı ekollere mensup âlimler tarafından birçok eser yazılmıştır. Mâtürîdî bir âlim olan Nâsırüddîn es-Semerkandî de bu çalışmada tenkitli neşri sunulan Fethu’l-ğalak fi’t-tevhîd adlı eseri kaleme almıştır. Günümüze ulaşan Arapça elyazması Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi Fatih koleksiyonunda 3142 demirbaş numarasıyla bulunmaktadır. Bildiğimiz kadarıyla bu alanda müstakil olarak kaleme alınmış olup günümüze ulaşan tek Mâtürîdî eser olma özelliğine sahiptir. Akıl ve şeriatten hareketle yapılması gerektiğini savunduğu te’vîlin belirli ilkeler (...) çerçevesinde özellikle de luğavî anlamın dışına çıkmadan müteşâbih ifadelerin muhkemlere hamlederek yapılması gerektiğini belirtmektedir. Bu noktada çizdiği çerçevede olmayan ve uç noktalar olarak gördüğü Bâtinîlerin ve Hanbelîlerin te’vîl anlayışlarını da eleştirmektedir. Müteşâbih ifadeleri te'vîl etmeyi uygun gören Mâtürîdî-Hanefî geleneğin yaklaşımını ortaya koymasının yanında geç bir dönemde yazılan eser bu konuda ele alınan ifadelerin yorumuna dair zengin ve bilgilendirici bir içerik sunmakta ve müteşâbihlerin bütünsel anlaşılması yönünde imkân sağlamaktadır. Bu çalışma kapsamında müteşâbihe dair bir giriş, es-Semerkândî’nin hayatı ve eserin tenkitli neşri dikkatlere sunulacaktır. (shrink)

Some theories of goodness are descriptively rich: they have much to say about what makes things good. Neo-Aristotelian accounts, for instance, detail the various features that make a human being, a dog, a bee good relative to facts about those forms of life. Famously, such theories of relative goodness tend to be comparatively poor: they have little or nothing to say about what makes one kind of being better than another kind. Other theories of goodness—those that take there to be (...) absolute goodness—are comparatively rich: they offer grounds for judging some types of things better than others because they have more absolute goodness. Moorean accounts, for example, can tell us that humans and human experiences are superior to bees and blades of grass. But such theories tend to be descriptively poor: they struggle to tell us in virtue of what this is so. In this essay we motivate and flesh out a view that splits the difference between accounts of goodness as relative and accounts of goodness as absolute. Such a view holds promise only if the mechanics of this kind of metaphysics of goodness can be worked out. Here we present a view on which the paradigm for absolute goodness is God and the paradigm for each kind of relative goodness is a divine idea. (shrink)

This work deals with Mollā Gūrānı̄’s critique (d. 813/1488) of Qāḍı̄ al-Bayḍawı̄ (d. 596/1200) and Zamakhsharı̄ (d. 538/1144). The Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara sūras in his manuscript tafsı̄r “Ghāyat al-Amānı̄” are chosen as the texts to examplify Mollā Gūrānı̄’s critique. His criticism is mostly related to language, qirāʾa (recitation and vocalization of Qur’ānic text), conceptual meaning and disagreement in interpretations of the Qur’ānic verses in question. Gūrānı̄ primarly criticisez Qāḍı̄ due to his reputation among Ottoman scholars. Guranı̄ has not only criticized (...) Kādı̄ and Zamahsharı̄ in the commentary of the surahs Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara but also Taftāzānı̄ and Kavāshı̄. This clearly shows thah he is a well-versed scholar in researching especially in comperative analysis. In this study, our investigation is limited to, however, Zemakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄. This stuyd shows that Zemakhsharı̄ is strictly bound to Ahl al-Sunnah. Moreover, the hadith reports are considerably important for him in understanding and interpreting the Qur’ānic verses. He closely follows the interpretive traditions of early Muslim scholars, especially on the matters that Muslim scholars had an argeemnet.Summary: This study discusses the criticism of Mollā Gūrānı̄ (d. 813/1488), one of the Ottoman commentary scholars, against Qāḍı̄ al-Bayḍāwı̄ (d. 685/1286) and Zamakhsharı̄ (d. 538/1144). The two Qur’ānic Surahs Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara are chosen from his critiques in a manuscript of his commentary called Ghāyat al-Amānı̄. Mollā Gūrānı̄’s manuscript is registered in Sulaymāniye Library, Dāmād Ibrāhı̄m Pasha Section at number 146 and consists of 352 pages in total. This copy is one of the oldest among other its existent copies. The main reason of our preference of this copy is that it is both legible and at the end of the book (the farāgh part), it writes that it was proofread by his author himself and that handwriting notes at the margins of the pages belonged to the author. We have examined this copy by comparing another copy which is again in the Sulaymāniye Library, Haji Maḥmūd Efendı̄ section at number 162, consisting of 484 pages in total, comparatively. We have examined critiques of 41 verses in total from Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara surahs.Gūrānī’s critiques of Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄ are too wide to be discussed within the limits of an article. Therefore, we have tried to briefly introduce these critiques. While presenting the commentators views, we tried to make their inexplicit expressions clear and furthermore elaborate their purposes by making use of some other resources. We have to say that we also used bracketed explanatory statements while giving commentators opinions.Most of the critiques of Gūrānı̄ are aimed at Qāḍı̄ since the latter’s commentary was one of the favourite ones among Ottoman intellectual circles. Therefore, in writing his commentary manuscript, Gūrānı̄ ambivalently both followed and criticized Qāḍı̄’s commentary. When Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara surahs are used as a base, it is evident that Gūrānı̄’s commentary Ghāyat al-Amānı̄ is a reason-based (dirāyah) in line with those of Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄ as commentary methodology. Gūrānı̄ modelled himself so much on Qāḍı̄ in this commentary of his that it seems as an abridged copy of Qāḍı̄’s. Ghāyat al-Amānı̄ as a commentary example of Ottoman era shows that the commentary methodology of the time did not change even four hundred years after Zamakhsharı̄.It is possible to say that Gūrānı̄ criticized Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄ in this commentary in a meticulous manner. Although many of his critiques are disputable, his rigorous approach to texts and his courage of critique, instead of imitative attitude, of Qāḍı̄’s commentary, which was held in high esteem in madrasahs of the time, and of commentary of Zamakhsharı̄, who was competent in Arabic language, is of great significance. Gūrānı̄ used a comparative scientific methodology and was a prominent. When his commentary manuscript examined it can be seen that it was not only Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄ but also Taftāzānı̄ (d. 792/1390) and Kavāshı̄ (d. 680/1281) who got their shares from his critiques. Most of Gūrānı̄’s critiques were on the subtleties of Arabic language. He sometimes expressed his criticism using Arabic grammar rules and sometimes rhetoric requirements. His other critiques involved topics such as, conceptual meaning, verses integrity, recitation and some interpretations of verses that he disagreed with. His critical method was based on the integrity of the Qurʾān, interpretive traditions, Salaf’s views and logical contradictions. We ought to mention that Gūrānı̄ showed his strong commitment to his predecessors and scholars for matters on which they had consensus. We comprehend this commitment on occasions when he rejected the claim that, for instance, a given form of qirā’a from Salaf was wrong according to Arabic grammar in favour of Salafı̄ reciter. The aim of this study is to give an idea about commentary understandings and methods of commentators in Ottoman era and to make contribution to introducing Gūrānı̄, who criticized Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄, two prominent commentators competent in their field, to researchers in terms of his attribute as a critic. An earlier study on his critiques made in this commentary of Gūrānı̄ only covered his critiques of Qāḍı̄ for some of his interpretations in Fātiḥ̣a and Baqara surahs. Therefore, another important factor leading to this study was to cover all critiques he made against the views and comments of both Zamakhsharı̄ and those shared by Zamakhsharı̄ and Qāḍı̄. Hence, this study aims to contribute to the fiedl as an analytical study or a translation made by researchers on this concise and handwritten manuscript.Some conspicuous features are seen in Gūrānı̄’s critiques. As he pointed out in his reviews, in case of subjects with availability of narratives (rivāyah) and of suitability of the literal meaning of verses, he did not prefer allegorical interpretation. He gives the impression that he based his reviews on Ahl al-Sunnah, and he took pains to follow Ashaʿrı̄te school of thought. Although Gūrānı̄, did not see harm in sharing the same things with Zamakhsharı̄, opposing Qāḍı̄ as regards Arabic language, he was always in opposition with Zamakhsharı̄ in relation to commitment to sectarian view and Ḥadı̄ths. It can also be said that Gūrānı̄ did not favour esoteric-allusive commentary style.It can also be said that Gūrānı̄ had sound and deep knowledge in the field of Kalām. This can be deduced from his considering Qāḍı̄’s arguments to criticize Muʿtazila as insubstantial and sometimes from his criticism of Qāḍı̄ for his careless selection of phrases he used in theological issues. Meanwhile, Gūrānı̄ criticized some views which did not belong to Qāḍı̄. For example, it is seen that he criticized Qāḍı̄ for his citation of an opinion through the phrase “it is said that” as if it was his own view by writing an annotation on the margin that it was Qāḍı̄ who said it. In our opinion, the most important thing that the critique of Gūrānı̄ shows is his scholarly identity and his outspoken character of enunciating of what he believed scholarly and conscientiously. This, also, shows the existence of critical thinking in Ottoman scholarship tradition. (shrink)

Reprint of paper first published in Philosophy and Phenomenological Research in 1984.

Beylikler devri Türk-İslam ciltleri hem tezyînatları hem de üzerlerindeki dini içerikli ibareler, dua ve mücellid mühürleri vasıtasıyla cilt sanatı araştırmacılarının yayınlarına konu olmuştur. Ancak ciltlerdeki dua ifadelerini müstakil olarak konu edinen yayın sayısı oldukça azdır. Türk-İslam ciltlerinin gerek kapak yüzeyinde gerekse kapak içlerinde dua içerikli ibarelere rastlamak mümkündür. Makalenin konusu, Beylikler devrinde üretilen Türk-İslam ciltlerinin deri kaplı kapak içlerinde yer alan el-İzzü’d-Dâim ve’l-İkbâl (العزّ الدّائم والإقبال) yazısı, bu yazının yer aldığı desen kompozisyonu ve yazının analizidir. Makaledeki amaç, şimdiye kadar cilt (...) literatüründe müstakil olarak ele alınmamış el-İzzü’d-Dâim ve’l-İkbâl yazılı cilt kapak içi tezyînatı hakkında tespit edilebilen örneklerin detaylı desen ve yazı analizleriyle bilimsel birikim oluşturabilmek ve aynı ya da benzer ibarenin yer aldığı diğer İslam sanat eserlerini tespit ederek bu dua ibaresinin ciltlerdeki kullanım amacını ve kullanıldığı dönemleri belirlemeye çalışmaktır. Cilt sanatı literatürü ve yazma eser kütüphanelerinde yaptığımız araştırmalar neticesinde, Beylikler dönemine ait ciltlerin altı tanesinin kapak içinde el-İzzü’d-Dâim ve’l-İkbâl ibaresi tespit edilmiştir. Bu tespitlerin sayısı, yapılacak yeni araştırmalarla artabilecektir. Tespit edilen yazma eserler; Amasya YEK: 217, İnebey YEK Hüseyin Çelebi: 481 ve Ulu Cami: 318, Kastamonu YEK: 2856 ve 3435 ve Süleymaniye YEK Fatih: 5004’tür. Ciltlerin kapak, sertâb ve mikleb yüzeylerindeki tezyînatları, Beylikler dönemi cilt sanatı üslûbunu yansıtan süslemelerdir. Ciltlerin teknik ve tezyînatları, -mevcut olanların- istinsâh kayıtları incelendiğinde üç örneğin (Amasya YEK: 217, Kastamonu YEK: 2856 ve 3435) 14. yüzyıl tarihli olduğu ya da tarihlendirildiği, üç örneğin (İnebey YEK Hüseyin Çelebi: 481 ve Ulu Cami: 318, Süleymaniye YEK Fatih: 5004) ise 15. yüzyıl tarihli olduğu ya da tarihlendirildiği görülmektedir. Ciltlerin kapak içi deseni, bitkisel ve rûmî motiflerle bezeli tam zemin geometrik bir tasarıma sahiptir. Geometrik desenin içerisindeki altıgen paftalarda el-İzzü’d-Dâim ve’l-İkbâl (العزّ الدّائم والإقبال) yazısı yer almaktadır. İbarenin, cilt kapak içlerine tek satırda (İnebey YEK Ulu Cami: 318, Kastamonu YEK: 3435) ve çift satırda -½ oranında ters simetrik- (Amasya YEK: 217, İnebey YEK Hüseyin Çelebi: 481, Kastamonu YEK: 2856, Süleymaniye YEK Fatih: 5004) olmak üzere iki türde yazıldığı tespit edilmiştir. Her iki tasarımda da sülüs yazı çeşidi tercih edilmiştir. İnebey YEK Hüseyin Çelebi: 481 envanter numaralı 15. yüzyıla ait cildin kapak içinde ise diğer örneklerden farklı olarak yazı paftalarının bazılarında mücellit kitabesi bulunmaktadır. Kitabede, “Amel-i Mücellid Haydar b. Turbegî” yazılıdır. Kapak içi tezyînatının aynı olması nedeniyle, Kastamonu YEK: 2856 ve Süleymaniye YEK Fatih: 5004 envanter numaralı ciltlerin de Haydar b. Turbegî adlı mücellidin eseri olma ihtimali vardır. Ciltlerin kapak içlerinin tümü, çeşitli tonlarda kahverengi sahtiyanla kaplıdır. Derilerin gözenek türü bunu ispat eder niteliktedir. Süsleme tekniği, tüm kapak içlerinde soğuk baskı tekniğidir. Bu teknik adını, uygulanması esnasında altının kullanılmamasından almaktadır. Soğuk baskı tekniğinde, desenin deriye genellikle sıcak pres uygulaması yapılarak aktarıldığı bilinmektedir. Uygulamada yüzeyinde motif veya desenin yer aldığı kalıp, çivi ve diğer ciltçilik aletleri kullanılmaktadır. Çalışma kapsamındaki ciltlerde kapak içi deseninin kalıpla uygulandığı, deri üzerindeki desenin kesintili çizgilerden anlaşılmaktadır. Kapak içi tezyînâtını oluşturan desenin simetrik bir parçası, kalıba işlenmiş ve kalıp deri üzerine simetrik bir şekilde, boşluk bırakılmadan basılmıştır. Yapılan incelemelerden anlaşıldığı kadarıyla kalıbın basıldığı deri, kapak içine yapıştırıldıktan sonra kapak kenarlarından cilt ebadına uygun şekilde kesilmiş olmalıdır. Kalıbın bazı örneklerde hatalı basıldığı da görülmektedir. Bu da desenin devamlılığını kısmen bozmuştur. Soğuk baskı tekniğinde, desenin deriye genellikle sıcak pres uygulaması yapılarak aktarıldığı bilinmektedir. Desenin deri renginden daha açık olması, uygulamanın ısıyla yapılmış olduğunu doğrulamaktadır. Ciltlerin kapak yüzeylerinin kullanıma bağlı olarak yıprandığı ve bu nedenle desenlerin deforme olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Ancak kapak içleri böyle bir yıpranmaya maruz kalmadıkları için korunarak günümüze ulaşmıştır. el-İzzü’d-Dâim ve’l-İkbâl (العزّ الدّائم والإقبال) ibaresi Arapça bir terkip olup “sonsuz güç ve yüksek mevki” anlamına gelmektedir. Terkip; güç, kudret ve ihtişam anlamına gelen العزّ ve ferah, parlak ve yüksek mevki anlamındaki الإقبال kelimelerinden oluşmaktadır. İbare dua, temenni vb. maksatlarla kullanılmış olmalıdır. Çalışma kapsamındaki ciltler ve diğer İslam sanatı örneklerinden anlaşıldığı kadarıyla İslam sanat eserleri üzerinde el-İzzü’d-Dâim ve’l-İkbâl ibaresine 12. yüzyıldan 15. yüzyıla kadar geniş bir dönemde yer verilmiştir. (shrink)

İslam felsefesi geleneğinde Meşşâî filozoflar, görüşlerinin tutarsız olduğu iddiasıyla Gazzâlî’nin Tehâfüt adlı eserinde ciddi bir eleştiriye maruz kalmışlardır. İslâm felsefesinin yapısal dönüşümüne ön ayak olan bu eser İslâm düşüncesinde tehâfüt geleneğinin de kaynağı niteliğindedir. Osmanlı dönemi İslam felsefesi; kelâm, felsefe ve tasavvuf disiplinlerinin, konu, amaç ve metot bakımından yakınlaştığı multidisipliner bir yapı arz etmektedir. Bununla birlikte o, genel olarak Gazzâlî düşüncesinin baskın olduğu bir geleneğin devamıdır. Bu felsefe, Fatih Sultan Mehmed’in, Gazzâlî’nin Tehâfüt adlı eserini daha anlaşılır kılacak bir eserin (...) yazılmasını emrettiği bir yarışmayla ivme kazanmıştır. Söz konusu bu yarışmada Hocazâde’nin Tehâfütü’l-felâsife’si ile Ali et-Tûsî’nin Kitâbu’z-Zuhr’u rekabet etmiş, sonuçta Hocazâde’nin eseri büyük beğeni toplayarak yarışmayı kazanmıştır. Hocazâde’nin Tehâfütü’l-felâsife adlı eseri gerek İslâm felsefe geleneğine ve gerekse tehâfüt geleneğine yaptığı katkı açısından son derece müstesna bir yere sahiptir. Söz konusu bu eser, teorik yaklaşımı, konuları sistemli bir şekilde ele alma yöntemi ve derinlikli bakış sunan özelliği bakımından, Osmanlı dönemi İslam felsefesine tipik bir örnek teşkil etmiş ve hatırı sayılır bir ün kazanmıştır. Hocazâde, Tehâfüt’ünde aklı ve nakli birbirinin tamamlayıcısı olarak görmüştür. O, düşüncelerinin yerindeliği ile kelâm-felsefe tartışmalarının merkezinde yer almış ve tehâfüt geleneği içerisinde haklı bir konum elde ederek Osmanlı dönemi İslam felsefesinin önde gelen düşünürleri arasında yer almıştır. Hocazâde’nin eserinin orijinal adı “Kitâbû’t Tehâfüt fi el-Muhâkeme beyne’l Gazzâlî ve’l-Felâsife”dir. Eser, yirmi iki felsefi meseleden oluşmaktadır. Hocazâde bu yirmi iki mesele içerisinde bütün felsefi konular hakkındaki görüşünü açıklamış, Gazzâlî’nin de filozoflar ile çatıştığı konuları karşılaştırmalı olarak ele almıştır. Gazzâlî’nin, filozofları tekfir etmesinden sonra düşünce geleneğinde önemli hale gelen üç mesele, eserin ana konusunu oluşturmaktadır. Düşünce ve metot bakımından Osmanlı Dönemi İslâm felsefesinin önemli temsilcilerinden biri olan Hocazâde, eserinde Gazzâlî ve diğer filozofların görüşlerine yer vermiş, görüşler arasında mutabakat sağlamaya çalışmış ve en iyi tercihi yapmaya gayret etmiştir. Bu eser üzerine yazılan talikat ve haşiyeler Osmanlı düşünce geleneğinde felsefenin gelişmesine büyük bir katkıda bulunmuş dahası bir anlamda tozlanmış ya da küllenmiş tehâfüt tartışmalarının yeniden canlanmasını, harlanmasını sağlamıştır. Bu makalede literatür ve veri analizi yöntemleri kullanılmak suretiyle Osmanlı dönemi İslam felsefesinin seyrini yansıtan tehâfüt geleneği ve bu gelenek içerisinde Hocazâde’nin tehâfüt adlı eserinin yeri ve önemi ortaya konacaktır. Bu çalışmayla amaçlanan bir diğer husus ise Hocazâde’nin entelektüel kişiliği ile Osmanlı düşünce geleneğinin yapısal özellikleri arasındaki muhtemel ilişkilerdir. (shrink)